The cultural aspirations, attitudes and behaviour of both parents and children play an important part in academic attainment. Research has shown, the more parents are engaged in the education of their children, the more likely their children are to succeed in the education system (Harris, 2007). School improvement and school effectiveness research consistently shows that parental engagement is one of the key factors in securing higher student achievement (Goodal et al, 2010). This article will examine the effect of parental aspirations on education in both China and England.
It is argued parents in China have greater educational expectations for their children than do parents in the England (Jin et al, 2014). Researchers have attributed the high academic achievement of students in China to their parents' high expectations and willing-ness to put in time and effort for their children's education (Schneider & Lee, 1990; Stevenson & Lee, 1990). Chinese parents place more emphasis on effort and English parents have a more fatalistic approach and place more emphasis on ability and IQ. Chinese parents often view their child’s difficulty with the educational material as directly related to a lack of effort by their child. In contrast, English parents are more likely to rationalise their children’s difficulty as a deficiency in the ability of the child, the teacher, or even the school (Li, 2003).
Issues surrounding parental aspirations in England appear to be more closely related to social class; the gap between rich and poor children is already large at the age of three, but continues to widen in the primary and early secondary years. One of the biggest distinctions between poorer and richer families is the extent to which parents aspire towards higher education, and how much they believe their own actions can make a really big difference in the lives of their children (Goodman, 2010). A report by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2010) found that only 37 per cent of the poorest mothers hoped their nine-year-old would go to university compared with 81 per cent of the richest mothers. However, in China education has been highly valued since classical time, regardless of economic or social position.
Parents in China play a strong role in their children's education through encouraging high aspirations and promoting academic achievement (Kao, 1995; Zhou, 2000). Traditional Chinese philosophy emphasises education above other values. This cultural value on learning continues to be important in Chinese society today; a high standard of education is associated with higher social status and the vast majority of parents have high expectations for the educational achievements of their children. This, together with the introduction of the one child policy, leads to parents making great sacrifices in order to ensure that their children receives the best possible education. Parents and entire families place their hopes in the educational success of their single offspring (Deodhar, 2012). However this pressure to do well can have a negative effect on young peoples mental health and increasingly England too.
Although it is clear to see there is a distinct correlation between parental aspirations and academic attainment in both England and China, in England there is a much larger gap between disadvantaged children and their peers. This difference is not seen in China possibly due to the suggestion of there being no social class.
By Zoe Westgarth
England and China class sizes compared
In this article I will make comparisons between the impact of smaller class sizes on student achievement in England and China.
Smaller classes are favoured by parents and teachers. England and China are recognised as having large classroom sizes. The issue with small class sizes is that money spent on smaller classes can not be spent on better teacher salaries, and better opportunities for the professional development of teachers.
According to the The annual report on education in richer nations by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development the average class size twenty-one. However the average class size in the UK state sector is twenty-six which is marginally higher than the average. The cause of the increase in classroom sizes are due to pressure being placed on schools by rising birth rates and the effects of immigration, and experts have claimed that large classes can reduce the quality of children's education.
China similarly have large classroom sizes with an average of thirty-eight pupils. However in China class size depends on the region. In a national minority area the average class size is twenty-four, but in towns forty it is forty. Cultural factors also affect the classroom sizes throughout the year, as in some rural areas teachers and pupils are permitted to help family agricultural work for planting or harvesting, so there are seasonal variations in class sizes.
The quality of additional teachers that are brought into schools can determine whether or not having a large class size will be an issue. Chinese teachers are known to be well trained, and highly qualified and therefore see little correlation between class size and learning outcomes. Benbow, Mizrachi, Oliver & Said-Moshiro (2007) described that large class size is an inevitable feature of the developing countries.
Evidence suggests that class sizes do in fact contribute to the quality of learning in England, as one can not separate out teacher quality from the social context. Larger classes in most regions of the UK would have a negative effect because of student behaviour, which is not a problem they face in the high-performing countries like China. Achievement and working conditions are also negative effects of having large classes in England, and so it is evident that smaller classes produce higher achievement levels. (OECD 2014). The predicament however is that smaller class sizes mean that it is necessary to bring in more teachers to raise more classes which is costly.
To conclude research indicates that increasing class sizes have a detrimental effect on student behaviour and in hindsight, reduce the opportunities for schools to provide the level and quality of teaching that is needed to enhance student learning and achievement. Cramped conditions may adversely affect children’s behavior and academic performance (Maxwell 2003; Evans, Saegert and Harris 2001). Research evidence suggests that reduced class size in the early years of primary education is positively associated with higher academic attainment and a better attendance record (Finn et al. 2001). However smaller class sizes are costly as highly trained teachers are required. As previously mentioned it is inevitable to have larger class sizes in China as it is a developing country. However teacher quality in China is at a high level, and therefore class size may not be as detrimental towards students many believe them to be.
Jadene Richards
Comparisons of Education in China and England
The Effect of High Stake Exams on Students Mental Health in England and China
In recent years cross-national research has shown consistently that Chinese students outperform students in England in standardised achievement tests (Stevenson, 2004). However, systematic studies have excluded intelligence or ability as a reason behind this superior performance (Suen, 2005). Academic pressure for adolescents to do well in high stake exams is a major risk factor for poor mental health and suicide; while this is a worldwide phenomenon, it appears to be especially pronounced in China (Sun, 2012). This article will examine how high stakes exams are putting students mental health at risk in both England and China.
Education policy has been affected by globalisation as governments in England and China have both prioritised economic growth (Yang, 2012). The application of the business model of accountability and efficiency to education has had a profound effect in both countries (Sharpe, 2013). In England, high stakes testing is at the heart of the reforms in school-based education initiated by the Conservative government in the 1980s and continued by subsequent governments. Both national tests at 11 years and the public examinations taken at 16 and 18 years are considered high stakes (West, 2005). In contrast for hundreds of years in china, academic success and, therefore, social mobility has been solely determined by student's score in high-stakes exams administered at the end of high school. However, the achievement of Chinese students is often glorified in England and little is thought about the price that they pay.
A major side effect of high-stake exams is the impact on students’ mental health. A report by the Samaritans (2002), found of 6020 students in 41 schools in England, 70% of those self-harming, with accompanying suicidal thoughts, had stated this was because of worries about schoolwork and exams (Sharp, 2013). Similarly a survey in china reported, 24% of middle students had contemplated killing themselves, many stating that this was because of the stress of exams (Hesketh, 2002). It must be noted that understanding the complexities and causes of mental health issues in both England and China remains a major challenge; it is not always possible to see direct cause and effect links between exam stress and mental health issues. Therefore, statistics and data have to be treated with some caution (Johnstone, 2011). However, the suggestion that the pressure of high-stakes exams as a contributing factor has to be given greater credibility; in England Health minister Norman Lamb said the government was ‘placing an unprecedented emphasis on mental health’ (Burns, 2013). China is also looking to address the issue; in 2010, Premier Wen Jiabao stated that the most important goal for future education reforms was to reduce the academic burden on students, foster the development of intellect and abilities, and teach Chinese youth how to use their minds and hands and how to be a good person (Zhao & Selman, 2014).
Although in China there is greater cultural pressure for students to achieve academically, it would appear the impact on students mental health is similar in both countries. There is certainly an argument to move away from the 'economic model' of education, where the emphasis is currently on regulation, provable progress and league tables; moving away from measurement driven instruction to a more humanistic view of educational ideals, would help to improve the emotional wellbeing of students in both China and England.
By Zoe Westgarth
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